RDR is now an independent initiative. Our website is catching up.  Read our announcement →


Investor advocacy and shareholder action on human rights topics have reached unprecedented levels this year. Five of the largest global tech companies—Alphabet (Google), Amazon, Apple, Meta, and Twitter—all faced a record number of shareholder resolutions. The rise of investing based on environmental, social, and governance (ESG) factors has been a key driver of this trend. Civil society groups like RDR are providing the human rights standards and stories that allow investors to evaluate their holdings’ commitment to a better tomorrow.

Today we are proud to meet the evolving needs of investors with an update to our Investor Guidance page. Working with the investor community is in RDR’s DNA. We developed our very first Corporate Accountability Index in 2015 in partnership with leading ESG research provider Sustainalytics. Our work since then has been suffused with investor partnerships aimed at better protecting human rights. Today’s update illuminates how our work with shareholders has evolved in light of the surge of ESG-driven investor engagement and what digital rights topics have emerged as key investor priorities.

  • First, we are publishing more details about the impact of our work with investors. This includes joint undertakings with individual asset managers, but also sweeping projects like the Digital Rights Engagement Initiative, coordinated by the Investor Alliance for Human Rights. The initiative consists of coordinated outreach to individual companies by the 177 signatories of the Investor Statement on Corporate Accountability for Digital Rights, which calls on companies to report on their progress on digital rights and is based on RDR’s standards.
  • Second, we are updating and enriching our shareholder resolutions data with information about the outcomes of each resolution, including the result of the final vote. We are also bringing together stories about the direct and indirect impact of these votes: news reports, company announcements, and new campaigns inspired by each resolution. With this update, we are also marking resolutions that cite RDR and those whose development we supported directly.
  • Finally, we are creating a separate “Spotlight” space highlighting insights from members of the RDR team on topics we consider critical to both shareholders’ rights and to our human rights-based mission. Our inaugural Spotlight is our mini-report on bringing down barriers to shareholder advocacy.

Delving into the new data we are publishing today highlights noteworthy trends in investor behavior. Shareholders are revealing an increasingly nuanced understanding of the human rights impact of companies’ existing and emerging operations. Alphabet (Google), for instance, faced a petition this year calling on the tech giant to assess the impacts of its plans to build data centers in human rights hotspots such as Saudi Arabia. At Amazon, resolutions calling out the human rights violations enabled by its facial recognition and surveillance products continued to gain traction, winning a robust 40% of shareholder votes. Calls at both Meta and Google to terminate their multi-class share structures, which allow powerful executives to artificially dilute majority support for such resolutions, won near-unanimous support from independent shareholders, setting an all-time record.

Meanwhile, RDR’s involvement in shareholder resolutions has also evolved in the past two years: from providing data points to directly shaping them alongside activist investors. Our Scorecards provide a balanced assessment of more than two dozen companies. Where we see a company’s disclosures on a key topic persistently lagging behind, we help forge collective efforts to push them to improve. This year, we helped craft a proposal that called on Meta to assess the human rights impacts of its targeted ad-based business model, which won the support of over 70% of independent shareholders. We also worked with shareholders to call for an assessment of Google’s FLoC ad technology, which likely influenced the company’s decision to terminate the program.

Improving the behavior of powerful actors requires persistent effort over time. This understanding is baked into our research and rankings, which track the yearly ebb and flow  of companies’ disclosures about how they protect users’ rights. It is baked into our policy engagement, which provides guidance for lawmakers to shape new legislation. It is baked into our work with advocacy partners around the world who adapt our methodology to create new windows of scrutiny. And it is baked into our collaboration with investors, who represent an increasingly powerful source of pressure on companies to act responsibly. We strive to connect these streams whenever possible.

Civil society watchdogs, the responsible investor community, and those working to reform companies from within share a common goal: strengthening corporate accountability and protecting human rights. Today’s update is one more step toward bringing these communities together and showing how their common goal can be achieved.

Ranking Digital Rights has once again partnered with Global Voices Translation Services to translate the executive summary of the 2022 Big Tech Scorecard into six major languages: Arabic, Chinese, French, Korean, Russian, and Spanish!

The RDR Big Tech Scorecard evaluates 14 companies, whose products and services are used by over four billion people worldwide, in all kinds of cultures and contexts. The languages of our translations represent the most commonly spoken languages in the countries where the companies we rank are located, and therefore reflect the global nature of our work.

Key components of our 2020 methodology, including our 2020 revisions, are also available in Spanish, French, and Arabic. This document provides a great practical tool for anyone around the world who wishes to use and adapt our standards and build unique advocacy campaigns adapted to their goals and local contexts.

For example, over the past year, civil society organizations in West and Southern Africa, as well as South and Southeast Asia, have adapted our methodology to study local tech sectors in a total of 10 countries. Projects carried out by Paradigm Initiative in Angola, the DRC, and the Central African Republic, and by EngageMedia in six Southern Asian countries, used our standards to evaluate local telecommunication companies. Meanwhile, the Internet Freedom Project Lesotho evaluated financial services, in addition to telcos. Making our resources available in multiple languages is therefore a key part of our strategy to expand the reach and impact of our rankings and standards.

With these translations, we hope to support broader advocacy actions that can leverage this data and analysis to hold more companies accountable for policies that better respect people’s human rights online.

Translations for the Telco Giants 2022 Scorecard—forthcoming this fall—will cover 12 companies based in 12 different jurisdictions: Spain, the UK, the U.S., Norway, Germany, France, South Africa, Mexico, Malaysia, India, UAE, and Qatar. You can also visit our translations page for translations from previous years.

It takes a village: We thank Global Voices for their work on the translations, as well as our regional partners for their help in reviewing and promoting these materials!

Get in touch: If you’re a researcher or advocate interested in learning more about our methodology, our team would love to talk to you! Write to us at info@rankingdigitalrights.org.

How GLAAD is keeping social media companies accountable through its Social Media Safety Index and its new Platform Scorecard.

Last month, hate and harassment of LGBTQ social media users made headlines when actor Elliot Page was deadnamed and misgendered on Twitter by conservative author and academic Jordan Peterson. Peterson’s account was suspended for violating Twitter’s hateful conduct policy, which prohibits targeted deadnaming—referring to someone’s name prior to transition—and misgendering. (Twitter is one of only a few social media platforms, including TikTok and Pinterest, with such a policy.) The past year has shed tremendous light on the hate and harassment faced in online environments by members of the LGBTQ community, thanks to widespread media coverage and research. According to a recent report by the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), two-thirds of LGBTQ respondents say they have experienced harassment online.

The digital rights community has long called on social media platforms to do more to create a safer online environment for LGBTQ people and other vulnerable communities. With GLAAD’s new 2022 Social Media Safety Index (SMSI) report and its Platform Scorecard, the community now has a tool in hand to hold companies to account for how their publicly disclosed policy commitments impact LGBTQ expression, privacy, and safety online.

For this first-ever Scorecard, Goodwin Simon Strategic Research (GSSR), the independent public opinion research firm, partnered with GLAAD and RDR to create an accountability tool building on RDR’s rigorous methodology and best practices. GLAAD’s inaugural SMSI report in 2021 laid bare the existing state of LGBTQ safety, privacy, and expression on the platforms. It also set forth the eventual goal of evaluating the platforms using a standardized scorecard. Given the critical role that RDR plays in holding major tech companies accountable for respecting user rights, GLAAD looked no further than RDR’s standards and best practices when setting out to develop the new 2022 SMSI Scorecard.

Across 12 indicators, GLAAD assessed how Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, YouTube, and TikTok’s publicly disclosed policies impact their LGBTQ users. These indicators draw on best practices and guidelines, as well as feedback from RDR, while more directly addressing issues impacting LGBTQ users. For example, the first indicator looks at companies’ disclosed policy commitments to protect such users (for more details, you can read our one-pager describing our scorecard development and see the full list of indicators).

This first iteration of the Platform Scorecard this year shows that leading social media platforms fail at adequately protecting their LGBTQ users. None of the five companies that GLAAD evaluated had a combined score, across all indicators, of more than 50%. In the report, GLAAD highlights several areas where tech companies need to do better. Of note: There is a clear lack of transparency across the board. Some of the most glaring findings include:

  • Companies lack transparency about what options users have to exert control over whether and how information related to sexual orientation and gender identity is collected, inferred, and used by platforms to draw conclusions about LGBTQ people’s identities.
  • In particular, companies disclose little regarding what control users have over whether they are shown content based on this information. Users should not be shown content based on their gender identity or sexual orientation unless they explicitly opt-in.
  • Companies also lack transparency about the steps they take to address demonetization and wrongful removal of legitimate LGBTQ-related content from ad services. This means, for example, that when LGBTQ creators’ content is suppressed or removed by platforms, the companies share little information with the creator explaining why.
  • While all of the companies we evaluated claim to engage with organizations representing LGBTQ people, none of the companies disclose the appointment of an LGBTQ policy lead to ensure that the companies’ policies reflect the true needs of LGBTQ users.
  • Twitter and TikTok are currently the only two platforms GLAAD evaluated that have policies prohibiting targeted deadnaming and misgendering. TikTok adopted this prohibition in response to the release of the 2021 SMSI. (It’s worth noting that the general lack of transparency from platforms means that the SMSI cannot assess the companies’ enforcement of stated policies, including this one.)

For each of the companies in the report, GLAAD lays out clear policy recommendations that companies should implement in order to create a safer online environment for their LGBTQ users. For instance, social media companies should emulate Twitter and TikTok by prohibiting targeted deadnaming and misgendering. Other recommendations include a ban on potentially harmful/and or discriminatory advertising content, the disclosure of training for content moderators, and a commitment to continuously diversifying the company’s workforce. As mentioned, companies should also hire an LGBTQ policy lead as part of their human rights teams to oversee the implementation of these policy commitments and ensure that they are truly reflective of users’ needs. Following such recommendations would not only allow companies to create a safer online environment for the LGBTQ community, but would also potentially lead the way on progress for other vulnerable communities and under-represented voices. For example, a commitment to diversifying a company’s workforce would help make sure that people of color, people with disabilities, as well as other groups are represented within the company and included in the development and implementation of the company’s policies, products, and services.

Thanks to GLAAD’s SMSI and Platform Scorecard, the digital rights community is now able to track companies’ progress on commitments to policies meant to protect LGBTQ users. GLAAD is holding ongoing briefings with each platform to review issues that LGBTQ users face and advocate for the recommendations described in the report. GLAAD’s Social Media Safety program maintains an ongoing dialogue about LGBTQ safety amongst tech industry leaders. It also spotlights new and existing safety issues facing LGBTQ users in real-time, both to the platforms and to the press and public.

The threats that LGBTQ users, as well as those from other vulnerable communities, face online are many and are constantly evolving. Therefore, GLAAD hopes that the SMSI will continue to expand and grow to include indicators on other pressing LGBTQ-related policy issues, including disinformation on gender-affirming care. The Scorecard has an important role to play in helping to create an online environment that might finally allow LGBTQ users to express themselves both fully and safely online.

Read the full GLAAD Social Media Safety Index and Platform Scorecard.

RDR’s 2022 Big Tech Scorecard underlined the dire state of privacy among digital platforms. None of the 14 companies we ranked topped a score of 60 percent, and privacy was the lowest-scoring of our three categories (the others being governance and freedom of expression and information). We have been calling for federal privacy legislation for years, highlighting it as an essential first step to reducing companies’ rampant data collection, and mitigating the harmful surveillance capitalist business model it supports.

We’ve written op-eds, revised our methodology, produced stand-alone reports, given academic presentations, submitted comments to federal agencies and to the United Nations, and we’ve participated in congressional testimony. We have steadily made the case that government-enforced privacy protections are  a cornerstone of holding Big Tech to account for not only users’ rights but also healthy information ecosystems. This is why we enthusiastically endorse the American Data Privacy and Protection Act (ADPPA).

On Wednesday, the House Energy and Commerce Committee voted 53-2 to advance the bill, also known as H.R. 8152, thus clearing the way for a floor vote. This is the first time that a comprehensive federal privacy bill has made it this far in the legislative process. This victory comes after years of negotiations between House and Senate leaders of both parties. It was also informed by intense lobbying from industry groups eager for a federal standard that would preempt robust state laws, notably California’s recently passed privacy acts. Against long odds, however, the resulting ADPPA is actually stronger than the California privacy laws. Among the most notable improvements to the status quo are:

  • No more notice-and-consent: The ADPPA finally ends the broken “notice-and-consent” paradigm, where to use a service, internet users are compelled to accept the company’s terms, whatever they are. Unfortunately, most policies are far too legalistic and onerous for users to actually read through and often fail to fully disclose all data practices. Instead, the ADPPA centers the concepts of data minimization and purpose limitation. This provides users with positive rights over their data through direct limitations on how it can be used, collected, and shared. In fact, companies would only be allowed to collect data for one of the 17 purposes laid out in the bill. Any other data collection would simply be prohibited.
  • Individual data rights: The ADPPA allows users themselves to access, correct, delete, and export their data directly to competing services.
  • Civil rights protections: Thanks to years of advocacy from civil and human rights organizations, the ADPPA includes civil rights protections from online discrimination based on demographic and behavioral data—one of surveillance advertising’s most direct harms. It would be the first piece of legislation to explicitly extend civil rights protections to the digital realm. This would include, among other things, mandating that companies correct for algorithmic discrimination.
  • Surveillance advertising: The ADPPA bans targeted advertising for under-17s; prohibits targeting based on specific categories of sensitive data, which include health information and geolocation; and creates a global opt-out mechanism from targeted advertising for everyone.
  • Impact assessments: The ADPPA requires “large data holders” (companies with annual revenues of at least $250 million that collect data on more than 5 million people) to conduct impact assessments on both their privacy and algorithmic practices. These assessments must include details about how the platform is mitigating potential harms. The algorithmic assessments would have to be submitted to the FTC.
  • Enforcement: The bill creates a new Bureau of Privacy at the Federal Trade Commission to enforce the law. It would empower state authorities (notably attorneys general and state privacy agencies like the California Privacy Protection Agency) to bring forward enforcement cases as well as provide a private right of action for many violations. Enforcement was a major sticking point in the drafting process, and has continued to be one since the bill’s introduction in June. We expect to see further amendments on enforcement as the ADPPA winds its way through the legislative process.

Would we be even happier with a stronger bill that ends surveillance advertising once and for all? Yes, of course. Legislators from both parties and both chambers, as well as privacy advocates, should continue working together to improve the bill’s protections. But we should not scuttle a law that will provide significantly more privacy protections while doing a good bit to rein in surveillance-based advertising in service of an ideal that remains out of reach. We can’t ignore that this will likely be the last chance to pass federal privacy legislation under the Biden Administration.

Although this bill may not alone spell the end of the ad tech business model, it will make notable progress by limiting the endless data collection upon which the model sustains itself and by giving millions of people protections they currently lack. This is a major first step, and it’s far past time we take it.

 

 

As a researcher at Temple University in Philadelphia, I study how stories about social problems and their possible solutions make their way into the mainstream media, how they get covered, and how audiences respond to them. One key question I look at is: How do we get news audiences to understand social issues, care about them, and become informed about potential policy solutions to very complex problems?

Given that part of RDR’s mission is to influence corporations by having their behavior around privacy and freedom of expression covered in the media, I was thrilled when I was hired to conduct an evaluation of the RDR Index four years ago. This was an opportunity to dig into research questions around how the news can work to promote more comprehensive coverage of issues related to social justice.

As part of this evaluation, I interviewed 14 civil society organizations about their use of the RDR Index, what they saw as its strengths and weaknesses, and how both it and other human-rights-related rankings could help push forward social movements and bring social issues into the media and into public conversation. In other words, I wanted to know: How do we take numbers, numerical rankings, and indicators (things that might strike some as academic, esoteric, or just plain boring) and turn them into something that can impassion the public and spur social change?

Through these interviews, I came to a few conclusions that I’ll share below. If you want to read my full write-up of this, you can do so. But in short:

  1. Indices like RDR’s offer three critical resources for activists trying to get their narratives into the mainstream media: legitimate information, newsworthy information, and flexible information.
  2. Activists find it really hard to use data from these indices (but we can fix that!).

Legitimate information refers to the idea that journalists typically need their sources of information to be seen as objective and reliable. This poses a problem for social movement actors who are often perceived as biased since they have a clear stance on current societal problems and are advocating for a particular course of political action. Index data—if based on a rigorous, transparent methodology and created by organizations seen as credible, such as RDR—can give activists trying to get their stories into the media an increased perception of objectivity and legitimacy.

Newsworthy information refers to the potential overlap between stories that civil society organizations (CSOs) want to get into the public sphere and stories that news outlets are interested in publishing. News organizations do need and want evidence that social problems exist, especially if evidence can point to actors or organizations who are misbehaving. But the investigative reporting needed to uncover this information can be costly for news outlets. The public still values investigative journalism but shrinking newsroom budgets mean the total number of issues investigated is declining. Activists bringing this evidence to journalists is therefore a win-win for both sides: Activists can combine their understanding of the issue with numerical data and analysis and journalists can shine a spotlight on how particular actors are negatively impacting human rights.

Flexible information refers to the idea that numbers do not represent a black and white version of truth or an incontrovertible version of reality. Numbers, including rankings, are simply descriptive. They describe, or “indicate,” how a particular organization performs on a particular metric. They are in many ways meaningless  until someone explains their significance and ties them together to tell a story.

The indicators can thus tell a variety of stories. For example, within the broad category of privacy, the methodology includes 23 indicators that, when taken together, produce a score (which is itself another indicator) regarding how well corporations adhere to human rights principles related to privacy. The scores for each of these 23 indicators (e.g., “Sharing of User Information”) are calculated by aggregating between one and 12 “sub-indicators,” which are called elements (e.g., whether the company discloses sharing information with governments). Altogether, the Big Tech Scorecard is made up of 58 indicators (each with multiple elements), across 14 companies and 43 specific services, resulting in tens of thousands of data points overall for each iteration of the Index.

A variety of activist interests, including privacy rights, freedom of expression, children’s rights, and democracy promotion, can find indicators and sets of indicators within the dataset that help them tell a particular human rights story. For example, while conducting my evaluation, I spoke to one interviewee working on democracy promotion who suggested that the data could potentially be used to tell the story of how a particular company’s score has dropped because it’s gotten cozier with an authoritarian regime and changed its policies accordingly. How any one group uses the data would depend upon the particular political moment, the news environment, the agenda of the organization, and the indicator scores.

The problem? As I just mentioned, the Scorecard produces tens of thousands of data points in each iteration. The organizations I spoke with wanted to use this information, or at least suggested they did, but many were lost on how to do so. These organizations are often small, with an overworked staff, each wearing multiple hats. They can’t possibly also be expected to become sophisticated data analysts. Many therefore wanted RDR to present the data in a different way, or parse the data for them, to help them tell their own stories.

This creates the following paradox: On one hand, the fact that the RDR Index has hundreds of thousands of data points is great because it means there are endless ways to use the information depending on an organization’s goals. In addition, this data provides mountains of rigorous evidence that assists in advancing policy arguments. But at the same time, the perception is that organizations can’t employ the data themselves, which limits the scope of its current usage.

RDR will never be able to produce all the stories that CSOs want, and especially not at the moment they’re needed. Activists are the ones with their fingers on the pulse of what is happening in their areas of expertise and therefore are best placed to know what stories need to come out, when, how, and where. They are best placed to navigate the news and information space, supply journalists with needed information, or respond to news events.

So what is needed now is a way for activists to use the data themselves. The fact that indices are composed of numbers should not make them impenetrable. Contrary to some data skeptics, using indicators does not always require advanced mathematical skills; it is often only a matter of understanding what indicators mean. In the case of the Big Tech Scorecard, for instance, “analysis” might simply mean looking at the scores for a particular indicator of interest (e.g., “Does the company notify users when terms of service change?”) and comparing scores across companies to see who performed the best or worst. With the implementation of such user-friendly suggestions, analyzing the dataset shouldn’t be too hard.

RDR has begun addressing this limitation. The organization has been working to meet civil society and other stakeholders halfway, which has translated into an expansion of RDR’s policy advocacy, investor engagement, and of its guidance for organizations on how best to employ the methodology and standards to highlight the issues they care about, across countries and regions. It will also be launching a new Research Lab which will include trainings to help CSOs learn to navigate the data to fit their own needs. It remains to be seen how this new effort will go, but it is crucial in order to maximize the value of the Index for activists and social movements.

I believe that activists who know their issues best should be writing and informing media stories; it is not only up to RDR. Numerical analysis cannot replace the passion or emotion that breathes life into a movement, but anecdotal stories of wrongdoing can be buttressed with reliable data to strong and positive effect. (A useful example of this are the companion essays that RDR now publishes alongside its Scorecards.) Such data can be used to strengthen the sway of policy arguments made both to policymakers and to news organizations. This is a resource that is therefore both sorely needed and deserving of further attention.