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In its response to our letter campaign with Access Now, Meta takes issue with aspects of its score in RDR’s 2022 Big Tech Scorecard. Here’s why we stand by our results.

Ranking Digital Rights wishes to address Meta’s response to the letter campaign led by Access Now, in coordination with RDR. As part of this campaign, Meta, along with all the companies we ranked in our 2022 Big Tech Scorecard, was asked to make one improvement on their human rights performance. This year, Access Now called on Meta to be more transparent about government censorship demands, particularly those targeting WhatsApp and Facebook Messenger. While several companies issued responses, Meta’s was unique in raising questions about RDR’s standards and findings.

Meta’s response made a number of claims that we have decided to address directly below.

  1. Meta’s claim: RDR’s standards are unattainable.

    What our data says: Meta notes that “it’s important that there be ambitious goals…but also that at least some of these be attainable.” Yet all of the goals set forth in RDR’s indicators are attainable. However, they require that corporate leadership dedicate time and willpower to fulfilling them. For example, when the inaugural RDR Index was released in 2015, none of the ranked companies disclosed any data on what content and accounts they restricted for breaching their own rules. As of our latest Scorecard, companies that do not disclose this information are quickly becoming the outlier. Similarly, even companies that already score well can make considerable progress from year to year.

  2. Meta’s claim: The Big Tech Scorecard doesn’t give points for publishing the results of human rights due diligence processes.

    What our data says: Meta claims that the Scorecard does not consider “criteria related to communicating insights and actions from human rights due diligence to rights holders.” It is true that our human rights impact assessment (HRIA) indicators focus on procedural transparency rather than simply the publication of results. We do recognize that Meta has coordinated with reputable third parties such as BSR and Article One Advisors to publish several abbreviated country-level assessments as well as to guide its work on expanding encryption. However, it has yet to demonstrate the same degree of transparency on issues that are fundamental to how it operates, including targeted advertising and algorithms. In addition, its country-level assessments have notable gaps. Human rights groups have raised serious questions about the lack of information Meta shared from its India HRIA in its inaugural human rights report. This HRIA was meant to evaluate the company’s role in spreading hate speech and incitement to violence in that country. Societies where Meta has a powerful and rapidly growing presence deserve more than a cursory view of the company’s impact, especially when Meta is being directly linked to such explicit human rights harms.

  3. Meta’s claim: RDR should have given Meta a higher score for its purported commitment to human rights standards in the development of AI.

    What our data says: Meta points to its Corporate Human Rights Policy, arguing that it “clearly specifies how human rights principles guide Meta’s artificial intelligence (AI) research and development” and questioning why our Scorecard “indicate[s] [Meta] do[es] not commit to human rights standards in AI development.” The problem is: Meta’s human rights “commitment” on AI falls short of actually committing. Our findings acknowledge an implied commitment to these standards (which equates to partial credit). For example, their policy states that human rights “guide [Meta’s] work” in developing AI-powered products and that Meta “recognize[s] the importance of” the OECD Principles on Artificial Intelligence. We encourage Meta to make its commitment to human rights in the development and use of AI an explicit one.

  1. Meta’s claim: RDR unfairly expects “private messaging” services to meet the same transparency standards as other services.

    What our data says: By inquiring about the factors RDR considers when “requir[ing] private messaging services, including encrypted platforms, to conform to the same transparency criteria as social media platforms,” Meta seems to be implying that we do not understand how their products work or that our indicators are not fit for purpose with respect to so-called “private messaging” services like Messenger and WhatsApp.

    To start with, Facebook Messenger, the more popular of the two apps in the U.S., is not even an encrypted communications channel (at least not yet). Meanwhile, many users are not fully aware of how “private” (or not) a messaging service is when they sign up for it. There is abundant evidence that Meta monitors Messenger conversations, ostensibly for violative content, but the precise mix of human and automated review involved remains a mystery. As efforts to strip people of their reproductive rights continue to grow, Meta has a responsibility to shine a light on government demands for users’ messages and information. Law enforcement in U.S. states where abortion is now illegal have successfully obtained Messenger chats that eventually led to criminal charges. Finally, even for encrypted platforms like WhatsApp, our standards call for companies to be as transparent as possible regarding automated filtering, account restrictions, and other enforcement actions. Transparency on such basic protocols shouldn’t be too big of an ask.

Meta also notes its plan to build out its disclosures on government demands for content restrictions. This is an encouraging sign. In particular, Meta announced that it plans to publish data on content that governments have flagged as violating the company’s Community Standards—a tactic governments often use to strong-arm companies into compliance without due process. It also committed to start notifying users when content is taken down for allegedly violating a law. Our indicators have long called for companies to enact these two measures. Still, much work remains, not all of which is reflected in Meta’s plans.

The issues Meta has expressed about how our standards pertain, in this case, to transparency on government censorship demands. This means that our most fundamental concern about Meta’s human rights record remains unaddressed: The company’s business model still relies almost entirely on targeted advertising. Meta does not report on the global human rights impacts of its targeting systems and publishes no data on how it enforces its advertising policies. These omissions are unjustifiable. There is widespread agreement that a business model powered by mountains of user data generates harmful incentives and ultimately leads to human rights harms. Even Meta’s shareholders are vigorously supporting calls to assess these harms, only to be stymied by Mark Zuckerberg’s inflated decision-making power.

Without addressing the problems that lie at the root of many of its human rights impacts or recognizing the need for systemic change, Meta will continue to “nibble around the edges,” as shareholders have argued in recent calls to action. Along with our allies, RDR will continue to push Meta and other Big Tech companies to achieve the standards needed to uphold human rights. We do so with the knowledge that what we are asking for from companies is not only fully achievable, but also very much essential. Meta can do better; they just have to commit to try.


Investor advocacy and shareholder action on human rights topics have reached unprecedented levels this year. Five of the largest global tech companies—Alphabet (Google), Amazon, Apple, Meta, and Twitter—all faced a record number of shareholder resolutions. The rise of investing based on environmental, social, and governance (ESG) factors has been a key driver of this trend. Civil society groups like RDR are providing the human rights standards and stories that allow investors to evaluate their holdings’ commitment to a better tomorrow.

Today we are proud to meet the evolving needs of investors with an update to our Investor Guidance page. Working with the investor community is in RDR’s DNA. We developed our very first Corporate Accountability Index in 2015 in partnership with leading ESG research provider Sustainalytics. Our work since then has been suffused with investor partnerships aimed at better protecting human rights. Today’s update illuminates how our work with shareholders has evolved in light of the surge of ESG-driven investor engagement and what digital rights topics have emerged as key investor priorities.

  • First, we are publishing more details about the impact of our work with investors. This includes joint undertakings with individual asset managers, but also sweeping projects like the Digital Rights Engagement Initiative, coordinated by the Investor Alliance for Human Rights. The initiative consists of coordinated outreach to individual companies by the 177 signatories of the Investor Statement on Corporate Accountability for Digital Rights, which calls on companies to report on their progress on digital rights and is based on RDR’s standards.
  • Second, we are updating and enriching our shareholder resolutions data with information about the outcomes of each resolution, including the result of the final vote. We are also bringing together stories about the direct and indirect impact of these votes: news reports, company announcements, and new campaigns inspired by each resolution. With this update, we are also marking resolutions that cite RDR and those whose development we supported directly.
  • Finally, we are creating a separate “Spotlight” space highlighting insights from members of the RDR team on topics we consider critical to both shareholders’ rights and to our human rights-based mission. Our inaugural Spotlight is our mini-report on bringing down barriers to shareholder advocacy.

Delving into the new data we are publishing today highlights noteworthy trends in investor behavior. Shareholders are revealing an increasingly nuanced understanding of the human rights impact of companies’ existing and emerging operations. Alphabet (Google), for instance, faced a petition this year calling on the tech giant to assess the impacts of its plans to build data centers in human rights hotspots such as Saudi Arabia. At Amazon, resolutions calling out the human rights violations enabled by its facial recognition and surveillance products continued to gain traction, winning a robust 40% of shareholder votes. Calls at both Meta and Google to terminate their multi-class share structures, which allow powerful executives to artificially dilute majority support for such resolutions, won near-unanimous support from independent shareholders, setting an all-time record.

Meanwhile, RDR’s involvement in shareholder resolutions has also evolved in the past two years: from providing data points to directly shaping them alongside activist investors. Our Scorecards provide a balanced assessment of more than two dozen companies. Where we see a company’s disclosures on a key topic persistently lagging behind, we help forge collective efforts to push them to improve. This year, we helped craft a proposal that called on Meta to assess the human rights impacts of its targeted ad-based business model, which won the support of over 70% of independent shareholders. We also worked with shareholders to call for an assessment of Google’s FLoC ad technology, which likely influenced the company’s decision to terminate the program.

Improving the behavior of powerful actors requires persistent effort over time. This understanding is baked into our research and rankings, which track the yearly ebb and flow  of companies’ disclosures about how they protect users’ rights. It is baked into our policy engagement, which provides guidance for lawmakers to shape new legislation. It is baked into our work with advocacy partners around the world who adapt our methodology to create new windows of scrutiny. And it is baked into our collaboration with investors, who represent an increasingly powerful source of pressure on companies to act responsibly. We strive to connect these streams whenever possible.

Civil society watchdogs, the responsible investor community, and those working to reform companies from within share a common goal: strengthening corporate accountability and protecting human rights. Today’s update is one more step toward bringing these communities together and showing how their common goal can be achieved.

Ranking Digital Rights has once again partnered with Global Voices Translation Services to translate the executive summary of the 2022 Big Tech Scorecard into six major languages: Arabic, Chinese, French, Korean, Russian, and Spanish!

The RDR Big Tech Scorecard evaluates 14 companies, whose products and services are used by over four billion people worldwide, in all kinds of cultures and contexts. The languages of our translations represent the most commonly spoken languages in the countries where the companies we rank are located, and therefore reflect the global nature of our work.

Key components of our 2020 methodology, including our 2020 revisions, are also available in Spanish, French, and Arabic. This document provides a great practical tool for anyone around the world who wishes to use and adapt our standards and build unique advocacy campaigns adapted to their goals and local contexts.

For example, over the past year, civil society organizations in West and Southern Africa, as well as South and Southeast Asia, have adapted our methodology to study local tech sectors in a total of 10 countries. Projects carried out by Paradigm Initiative in Angola, the DRC, and the Central African Republic, and by EngageMedia in six Southern Asian countries, used our standards to evaluate local telecommunication companies. Meanwhile, the Internet Freedom Project Lesotho evaluated financial services, in addition to telcos. Making our resources available in multiple languages is therefore a key part of our strategy to expand the reach and impact of our rankings and standards.

With these translations, we hope to support broader advocacy actions that can leverage this data and analysis to hold more companies accountable for policies that better respect people’s human rights online.

Translations for the Telco Giants 2022 Scorecard—forthcoming this fall—will cover 12 companies based in 12 different jurisdictions: Spain, the UK, the U.S., Norway, Germany, France, South Africa, Mexico, Malaysia, India, UAE, and Qatar. You can also visit our translations page for translations from previous years.

It takes a village: We thank Global Voices for their work on the translations, as well as our regional partners for their help in reviewing and promoting these materials!

Get in touch: If you’re a researcher or advocate interested in learning more about our methodology, our team would love to talk to you! Write to us at info@rankingdigitalrights.org.

How GLAAD is keeping social media companies accountable through its Social Media Safety Index and its new Platform Scorecard.

Last month, hate and harassment of LGBTQ social media users made headlines when actor Elliot Page was deadnamed and misgendered on Twitter by conservative author and academic Jordan Peterson. Peterson’s account was suspended for violating Twitter’s hateful conduct policy, which prohibits targeted deadnaming—referring to someone’s name prior to transition—and misgendering. (Twitter is one of only a few social media platforms, including TikTok and Pinterest, with such a policy.) The past year has shed tremendous light on the hate and harassment faced in online environments by members of the LGBTQ community, thanks to widespread media coverage and research. According to a recent report by the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), two-thirds of LGBTQ respondents say they have experienced harassment online.

The digital rights community has long called on social media platforms to do more to create a safer online environment for LGBTQ people and other vulnerable communities. With GLAAD’s new 2022 Social Media Safety Index (SMSI) report and its Platform Scorecard, the community now has a tool in hand to hold companies to account for how their publicly disclosed policy commitments impact LGBTQ expression, privacy, and safety online.

For this first-ever Scorecard, Goodwin Simon Strategic Research (GSSR), the independent public opinion research firm, partnered with GLAAD and RDR to create an accountability tool building on RDR’s rigorous methodology and best practices. GLAAD’s inaugural SMSI report in 2021 laid bare the existing state of LGBTQ safety, privacy, and expression on the platforms. It also set forth the eventual goal of evaluating the platforms using a standardized scorecard. Given the critical role that RDR plays in holding major tech companies accountable for respecting user rights, GLAAD looked no further than RDR’s standards and best practices when setting out to develop the new 2022 SMSI Scorecard.

Across 12 indicators, GLAAD assessed how Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, YouTube, and TikTok’s publicly disclosed policies impact their LGBTQ users. These indicators draw on best practices and guidelines, as well as feedback from RDR, while more directly addressing issues impacting LGBTQ users. For example, the first indicator looks at companies’ disclosed policy commitments to protect such users (for more details, you can read our one-pager describing our scorecard development and see the full list of indicators).

This first iteration of the Platform Scorecard this year shows that leading social media platforms fail at adequately protecting their LGBTQ users. None of the five companies that GLAAD evaluated had a combined score, across all indicators, of more than 50%. In the report, GLAAD highlights several areas where tech companies need to do better. Of note: There is a clear lack of transparency across the board. Some of the most glaring findings include:

  • Companies lack transparency about what options users have to exert control over whether and how information related to sexual orientation and gender identity is collected, inferred, and used by platforms to draw conclusions about LGBTQ people’s identities.
  • In particular, companies disclose little regarding what control users have over whether they are shown content based on this information. Users should not be shown content based on their gender identity or sexual orientation unless they explicitly opt-in.
  • Companies also lack transparency about the steps they take to address demonetization and wrongful removal of legitimate LGBTQ-related content from ad services. This means, for example, that when LGBTQ creators’ content is suppressed or removed by platforms, the companies share little information with the creator explaining why.
  • While all of the companies we evaluated claim to engage with organizations representing LGBTQ people, none of the companies disclose the appointment of an LGBTQ policy lead to ensure that the companies’ policies reflect the true needs of LGBTQ users.
  • Twitter and TikTok are currently the only two platforms GLAAD evaluated that have policies prohibiting targeted deadnaming and misgendering. TikTok adopted this prohibition in response to the release of the 2021 SMSI. (It’s worth noting that the general lack of transparency from platforms means that the SMSI cannot assess the companies’ enforcement of stated policies, including this one.)

For each of the companies in the report, GLAAD lays out clear policy recommendations that companies should implement in order to create a safer online environment for their LGBTQ users. For instance, social media companies should emulate Twitter and TikTok by prohibiting targeted deadnaming and misgendering. Other recommendations include a ban on potentially harmful/and or discriminatory advertising content, the disclosure of training for content moderators, and a commitment to continuously diversifying the company’s workforce. As mentioned, companies should also hire an LGBTQ policy lead as part of their human rights teams to oversee the implementation of these policy commitments and ensure that they are truly reflective of users’ needs. Following such recommendations would not only allow companies to create a safer online environment for the LGBTQ community, but would also potentially lead the way on progress for other vulnerable communities and under-represented voices. For example, a commitment to diversifying a company’s workforce would help make sure that people of color, people with disabilities, as well as other groups are represented within the company and included in the development and implementation of the company’s policies, products, and services.

Thanks to GLAAD’s SMSI and Platform Scorecard, the digital rights community is now able to track companies’ progress on commitments to policies meant to protect LGBTQ users. GLAAD is holding ongoing briefings with each platform to review issues that LGBTQ users face and advocate for the recommendations described in the report. GLAAD’s Social Media Safety program maintains an ongoing dialogue about LGBTQ safety amongst tech industry leaders. It also spotlights new and existing safety issues facing LGBTQ users in real-time, both to the platforms and to the press and public.

The threats that LGBTQ users, as well as those from other vulnerable communities, face online are many and are constantly evolving. Therefore, GLAAD hopes that the SMSI will continue to expand and grow to include indicators on other pressing LGBTQ-related policy issues, including disinformation on gender-affirming care. The Scorecard has an important role to play in helping to create an online environment that might finally allow LGBTQ users to express themselves both fully and safely online.

Read the full GLAAD Social Media Safety Index and Platform Scorecard.

RDR’s 2022 Big Tech Scorecard underlined the dire state of privacy among digital platforms. None of the 14 companies we ranked topped a score of 60 percent, and privacy was the lowest-scoring of our three categories (the others being governance and freedom of expression and information). We have been calling for federal privacy legislation for years, highlighting it as an essential first step to reducing companies’ rampant data collection, and mitigating the harmful surveillance capitalist business model it supports.

We’ve written op-eds, revised our methodology, produced stand-alone reports, given academic presentations, submitted comments to federal agencies and to the United Nations, and we’ve participated in congressional testimony. We have steadily made the case that government-enforced privacy protections are  a cornerstone of holding Big Tech to account for not only users’ rights but also healthy information ecosystems. This is why we enthusiastically endorse the American Data Privacy and Protection Act (ADPPA).

On Wednesday, the House Energy and Commerce Committee voted 53-2 to advance the bill, also known as H.R. 8152, thus clearing the way for a floor vote. This is the first time that a comprehensive federal privacy bill has made it this far in the legislative process. This victory comes after years of negotiations between House and Senate leaders of both parties. It was also informed by intense lobbying from industry groups eager for a federal standard that would preempt robust state laws, notably California’s recently passed privacy acts. Against long odds, however, the resulting ADPPA is actually stronger than the California privacy laws. Among the most notable improvements to the status quo are:

  • No more notice-and-consent: The ADPPA finally ends the broken “notice-and-consent” paradigm, where to use a service, internet users are compelled to accept the company’s terms, whatever they are. Unfortunately, most policies are far too legalistic and onerous for users to actually read through and often fail to fully disclose all data practices. Instead, the ADPPA centers the concepts of data minimization and purpose limitation. This provides users with positive rights over their data through direct limitations on how it can be used, collected, and shared. In fact, companies would only be allowed to collect data for one of the 17 purposes laid out in the bill. Any other data collection would simply be prohibited.
  • Individual data rights: The ADPPA allows users themselves to access, correct, delete, and export their data directly to competing services.
  • Civil rights protections: Thanks to years of advocacy from civil and human rights organizations, the ADPPA includes civil rights protections from online discrimination based on demographic and behavioral data—one of surveillance advertising’s most direct harms. It would be the first piece of legislation to explicitly extend civil rights protections to the digital realm. This would include, among other things, mandating that companies correct for algorithmic discrimination.
  • Surveillance advertising: The ADPPA bans targeted advertising for under-17s; prohibits targeting based on specific categories of sensitive data, which include health information and geolocation; and creates a global opt-out mechanism from targeted advertising for everyone.
  • Impact assessments: The ADPPA requires “large data holders” (companies with annual revenues of at least $250 million that collect data on more than 5 million people) to conduct impact assessments on both their privacy and algorithmic practices. These assessments must include details about how the platform is mitigating potential harms. The algorithmic assessments would have to be submitted to the FTC.
  • Enforcement: The bill creates a new Bureau of Privacy at the Federal Trade Commission to enforce the law. It would empower state authorities (notably attorneys general and state privacy agencies like the California Privacy Protection Agency) to bring forward enforcement cases as well as provide a private right of action for many violations. Enforcement was a major sticking point in the drafting process, and has continued to be one since the bill’s introduction in June. We expect to see further amendments on enforcement as the ADPPA winds its way through the legislative process.

Would we be even happier with a stronger bill that ends surveillance advertising once and for all? Yes, of course. Legislators from both parties and both chambers, as well as privacy advocates, should continue working together to improve the bill’s protections. But we should not scuttle a law that will provide significantly more privacy protections while doing a good bit to rein in surveillance-based advertising in service of an ideal that remains out of reach. We can’t ignore that this will likely be the last chance to pass federal privacy legislation under the Biden Administration.

Although this bill may not alone spell the end of the ad tech business model, it will make notable progress by limiting the endless data collection upon which the model sustains itself and by giving millions of people protections they currently lack. This is a major first step, and it’s far past time we take it.